UC-NRLF 


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THE  NEED  OF  AN 


Elevated  and  Permanent 


CIVIL  SERVICE, 


AN  ADDRESS  BEFORE  THE 


AMERICAN  PHILOSOPHICAL  SOCIETY, 


MARCH  15,  1880, 


BY  HON,  A.  LOUDON  SNOWDEN. 


PHILADELPHIA : 


WM.  F.  MURPHY'S  SONS,  PRINTERS. 


Sss 


Philadelphia,  22nd  March,  1880. 

Dear  Sir: 

Believing  that  the  excellent  address  on  "  Civil 
Service  Reform,"  made  by  you  on  the  occasion  of  the 
Centennial  Commemmoration  of  the  Incorporation  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  needs  a  wider  circulation 
than  that  which  it  will  have  in  the  proceedings  of  the 
Society,  we  would  respectfully  ask  for  a  copy,  in  order 
that    it    may  be  printed   for  separate  distribution. 

WM.   SELLERS, 
JOHN  L.  LeCONTE, 
S.    H.    NICHOLS, 
J.    P.    LESLEY. 

Hon.   a.    Loudon   Snowden, 

Superintendent,  Mint  of  the  U.   S.,  at  Philadelphia. 


Philadelphia,  24TH  March,   1880. 

Gentlemen : 

I  am  in  receipt  of  your  very  kind  letter  of 
the  22nd  inst.,  and  in  reply  beg  to  say  that  whilst  the 
remarks  I  had  the  honor  to  submit  upon  the  occasion  to 
which  you  refer,  were  but  surface  gleanings  hastily  thrown 
together,  upon  a  very  important  subject,  I  nevertheless 
comply  with  your  request,  in  the  hope  that  the  "  wider 
circulation "  you  propose  giving  them  may  not  be  entirely 
without  good  results. 

I  am,  gentlemen, 

Very  respectfully, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

A.   LOUDON   SNOWDEN. 

To  William  Sellers,  Esq., 
Dr.  John  L.  LeConte, 
Mr.  S.  H.  Nichols, 
Prof.  J.  P.  Lesley. 


264 


the  need  of  an 
Ilevated  and'  Permanent  Civil  Service. 


I  am  honored,  Mr.  President,  by  your  call,  and  doubly 
so  by  the  cordial  manner  in  which  it  has  been  received  by 
the  gentlemen  of  the  Society,  and  heartily  wish  it  were  in 
my  power  to  repay  your  kind  partiality  by  something 
worthy  of  your  consideration. 

It  must  be  a  pleasure  to  all  the  members  of  the  Society 
to  be  present  upon  this  interesting  occasion,  not  alone  to 
discuss  the  good  things  provided  by  the  thoughtfulness  of 
the  Committee  of  Arrangements,  but  to  partake  of  the 
intellectual  feast  which  has  been  so  bountifully  provided. 

You  have  been  pleased,  sir.  In  presenting  my  name,  to 
associate  with  it,  the  names  of  three  of  my  predecessors 
in  the  management  of  the  Mint  of  the  United  States  in  this 
City,  who  were  also  presidents  of  this  ancient  Society, 
which  has  embraced  in  its  membership,  and  upon  its  rolls 
of  honor,  some  of  the  most  illustrious  names  in  letters 
and  science  which  the  last  century  has  produced. 

The  three  distinguished  gentlemen  to  whom  you  were 
good  enough  to  refer,  David  Rittenhouse,  Robert  Patterson 
and  Robert  M.  Patterson,  were.  In  their  day,  citizens  and 
public  officers  who  conferred  lasting  benefits  upon  the 
public  service,  and  who  were,  in  all  the  relations  of  life, 
examples  worthy  of  imitation. 


David  Rittenhouse,  who  succeeded  Benjamin  Franklin, 
and  preceded  Thomas  Jefferson,  as  President  of  this  So- 
ciety, was  wisely  selected  by  Washington,  on  the  passage 
of  the  Act  of  1792,  authorizing  the  establishment  of  the 
Mint  in  this  City,  on  account  of  his  eminent  scientific 
knowledge  and  great  mechanical  skill.  He  superintended 
the  erection  of  the  Mint  building  on  Seventh  street,  saw 
to  its  equipment  in  machinery,  to  the  perfecting  of  its  or- 
ganization, and,  in  1 793,  issued  the  first  coinage  of  the 
Republic.  Little  did  he  dream  in  that  day  of  small  things, 
that  in  less  than  fifty  years,  the  one  cumbersome  screw 
press  then  in  use,  and  capable  of  executing  all  the  coinage 
required,  at  the  rate  of  about  ten  or  fifteen  pieces  a  min- 
ute, would  give  place  to  the  steam  toggle-joint  press  with 
a  capacity  of  from  eighty  to  one  hundred  pieces  to  the 
minute,  and  that  in  much  less  than  one  hundred  years, 
over  thirty  of  those  grand  coining  presses,  with  largely  in- 
creased capacity  and  power,  would  be  kept  thundering 
night  and  day  to  execute  the  coinage  demanded  by  law 
and  by  the  wants  of  the  people. 

Robert  Patterson,  the  fifth  President  of  this  Society, 
was  called  to  the  management  of  the  Mint  by  President 
Jefferson  in  1805.  He  had  been  honorably  connected  with 
our  Revolutionary  struggle,  and  subsequently,  was  a  Pro- 
fessor in  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  conspicuous  for 
his   learning    and    thorough  administrative  ability. 

Robert  M.  Patterson,  elected  the  eiofhth  President  of 
this  Society,  was  a  son  ol  Robert  Patterson,  to  whom  I 
have  just  referred,  and  succeeded  Dr.  Samuel  Moore  in 
the  Mint. 

He  graduated  at  the  University  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
subsequently  prosecuted  his   studies   in    Europe.      On    his 


return  to  Philadelphia,  he  was  elected  Professor  in  our 
University,  was  Vice-Provost,  and  filled  successively,  the 
Chairs  of  Natural  Philosophy,  Chemistry  and  Mathematics. 
In  1828,  he  became  a  Professor  in  the  University  of  Vir- 
ginia, from  which  he  was  transferred  to  the  Directorship 
of  the  Mint  in  1835  ;  ^^  which  position  he  remained,  ren- 
dering most  acceptable  service,  until  1851,  when  failing 
health  induced  him  to   retire  from  public  life. 

It  were  well,  Mr.  President,  for  the  honor  and  profit 
of  our  country,  if  high  public  station  were  always  as  well 
filled,  and  sacred  public  trusts  as  faithfully  administered  as 
in  the  instances  to  which,  by  your  courtesy,  I  have  been 
permitted  to  refer. 

This  brief  allusion  to  the  services  rendered  by  these 
distinguished  public  officers  brings  me  very  naturally  to 
the  consideration  of  the  theme  you  have  been  pleased  to 
assign  me  this  evening,  to  wit : 


THE  NEED  OF  AN 
ELEVATED  AND  PERMANENT  CIVIL  SERVICE. 

This  is  a  practical  and  important  question,  touching 
very  closely  the  highest  and  best  interests  of  our  Country, 
and  entitled  to  the  thoughtful  attention  of  every  American 
citizen. 

Neither  the  proprieties  of  this  occasion  nor  your  pa- 
tience would  justify  an  elaborate  or  exhaustive  discussion 
at  my  hands.  What  I  shall,  therefore,  with  your  leave, 
submit,  will  be  but  a  brief  reference  to  the  most  obvious 
points  that  present  themselves  in  a  rapid  glance  at  the 
subject. 


In  the  minds  of  all  thoughtful  and  patriotic  men,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  as  to  the  great  advantage  resulting  from 
the  elevation  of  our  civil  service  above  the  control  and 
influence  of  mere  partisan  interference.  The  battle  to  be 
fought  before  the  triumph  of  this  important  principle  is 
assured,  will  be  sharp  and  well  contested  at  every  point, 
although  no  one  should  despair  of  the  result,  in  view  of 
the  general  and  increasing  intelligence  of  ihe  people,  now 
being  brought  to  bear  upon  the  question. 

Of  late  years,  public  attention  has  been  much  directed 
to  the  subject,  but,  as  was  to  be  expected,  it  has  met  the 
most  determined  opposition  from  the  representatives  of  all 
parties.  Every  weapon  that  sarcasm,  ridicule,  and  false- 
hood could  forge  in  the  workshop  of  selfishness,  has  been 
hurled  against  its  advocates.  And  yet  it  must  be  con- 
fessed that  the  greatest  injury  inflicted,  has  come  from  pre- 
tended friends,  who,  under  that  garb,  have  attempted  to 
accomplish  selfish  ends,  and  thus  have  brought  ridicule 
upon  the  cause. 

Nevertheless,  steady  advance  has  been  had  within  the 
past  few  years,  and  some  lodgment  made  in  the  minds  of 
the  people. 

That  there  is  too  much  foolish,  intemperate,  and  unjust 
denunciation  of  our  present  service  there  can  be  no  doubt. 
If  we  were  to  believe  one-half  that  is  written  and  spoken 
on  this  subject,  we  must  conclude  that  but  few,  if  any,  honest 
or  honorable  men  are  engaged  in  public  affairs. 

This  tendency  to  carp  and  cavil  at,  and  criticise  all  men 
engaged  in  the  public  service,  is  said  to  be  a  natural  out- 
growth of  our  free  institutions,  which  makes  every  citizen  a 
censor.     But  whether  this  be  true  or  not,  the  fact  is  never- 


theless  patent,  that  from  the  very  organization  of  our  Gov- 
ernment, there  has  been  more  or  less  of  this  sort  of  thing 
prevalent.  Even  Washington,  the  most  illustrious  of  all 
our  citizens,  if  not  the  most  illustrious  man  of  all  the  world, 
was  not  exempt;  nay,  on  the  contrary,  in  spite  of  his  inval- 
uable services  to  the  country,  his  nobility  of  soul,  and  his 
transcendent  patriotism,  he  was  subjected  to  the  most  vio- 
lent, bitter,  and  unreasonable  abuse,  and  under  it  retired 
from  public  life. 

It  was  fashionable  then,  as  it  is  now,  among  certain 
grumblers  and  inconsiderate  persons,  to  denounce  our 
civil  service  on  all  occasions.  They  do  not  take  the 
trouble  to  obtain  reliable  facts  upon  which  an  intelligent 
judgment  may  be  formed,  as  touching  the  general  service, 
but  are  prone  to  take  isolated  instances  of  wrong  doing,  and 
base  their  opinion  of  the  whole  service  thereon. 

That  this  is  a  most  irrational  and  unjust  process  from 
which  to  arrive  at  a  sound  conclusion,  there  can  be  no 
doubt,  and  yet  it  is  the  usual  mode. 

These  grumbling  pessimists  who  find  no  good  in  their 
own  country  or  times,  are  very  often  least  fitted,  either 
by  cultivation  of  mind  or  purity  of  character,  to  form  a  sound 
judgment  of  their  fellow  men. 

Dismissing  this  class  as  worthy  of  no  farther  attention, 
it  must  be  admitted,  that  although  our  civil  service  fairly 
represents  the  average  moral  and  intellectual  status  of  our 
people,  it  can  nevertheless  be  elevated  and  rendered  more 
efficient  by  means  which  are  simple  in  themselves,  and  not 
difficult  of  application. 

When  I  say  the  means  of  accomplishing  this  desired 
end  are  simple  and  easy  of  application,  I   should  say,  they 


10 

are  so,  provided  the  people  have  courage  and  patriotism 
enough,  to  demand  of  their  political  leaders,  that  our  civil 
service  must  be  permanent, — promotions  coming  through  effi- 
ciency, and  the  te^iure  of  office  dependent  upon  good  behavior. 
It  will  not  do  to  simply  incorporate  these  ideas  or  principles 
into  the  political  platforms  of  the  parties,  as  catch  votes,  to 
be  forgotten  after  elections  are  lost  or  won ;  but  let  our 
civil  service  be  organized  under  the  sanction  of  law,  as  are 
the  military  and  naval  services,  and  thus  secure  a  permanent 
application  of  this  important  principle,  no  matter  how  often 
administrations  change,  or  parties  succeed  to  power.  That 
the  law  should  bind  all  parties  in  this  respect — if  the  principle 
is  good — must  be  quite  apparent.  An  attempt  on  the  part 
of  any  administration  to  establish  such  a  wholesome  system 
without  the  binding  force  of  law  to  sustain  it,  can  only 
hope  for  partial  and  unsatisfactory  results,  no  matter  how 
earnest  and  honest  may  be  the  effort. 

It  is  doubtful,  indeed,  if  any  administration  is  strong 
enough  to  enforce  the  reform  against  long  established  pre- 
cedent, and  the  selfishness  of  partisan  managers,  unless 
fortified  and  strengthened  by  law. 

The  reasons  are  manifold  why  the  policy,  as  a  mere 
administrative  measure,  is  likely  to  be  a  failure;  First,  if  for 
no  other  reason,  because  it  would  be  looked  upon  as  an 
ephemeral  effort  or  experiment,  likely  to  disappear  with 
the  administration,  if  not  break  down  before  it  terminated. 
Second,  because  as  such,  It  would  be  constantly  assaulted 
with  a  view  to  its  abandonment;  whereas,  if  under  the 
sanction  of  the  law,  it  would  be  accepted  as  a  fixed  fact  and 
remain  practically  unassailed ;  and  Third,  because  it  would 
have   no   binding   force  upon   succeeding   Presidents,    who 


11 

could  and  probably  would  overthrow  in  a  day  the  work  of 
years. 

President  Hayes  will  ever  be  remembered  for  a  noble 
effort  in  this  direction,  and  although  much  good  has  been 
accomplished,  yet,  from  the  causes  I  have  enumerated,  and 
others,  results  expected  and  hoped  for  have  not  been  fully 
realized. 

General  Jackson  is  credited  with  the  declaration  that, 
"to  the  victors  belong  the  spoils,"  and  whether  he  or 
William  L.  Marcy,  is  responsible  for  the  utterance,  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  Jackson  was  the  first  President  who 
broke  down  the  old  tenure  of  office,  handed  down  to  us 
from  our  English  ancestors,  and  recognized  by  Washington 
and  his  compatriots,  as  of  the  highest  value  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  public  affairs. 

It  is  well  to  remember,  however,  that  whilst  General 
Jackson  struck  a  fatal  blow  at  the  civil  service,  and  pros- 
tituted it  to  selfish  partisan  ends,  the  service  itself  was 
largely  responsible  for  the  blow  that  was  given. 

Although  existing  by  English  and  American  precedents, 
it  was  not  restrained  by  law  within  its  legitimate  sphere. 

The  service  at  that  time  was  largely  composed  of  those 
who  differed  politically  with  Jackson,  and  as  it  was  a  period 
of  bitter  partisan  strife,  they  did  all  in  their  power  to  hamper 
and  embarrass  his  administration.  This  was  neither  wise 
nor  prudent,  and  exhibits  to  us  the  fact  that,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  tenure  of  office,  the  service  was  badly  organ- 
ized and  conducted.  Instead  of  performing  quiedy  and 
efficiently  its  legitimate  functions,  without  regard  to  the 
change  in  the  political  head  of  the  government,  it  was 
violently  partisan,  and  used  its  entrenched  position  to  defeat 
the  measures  advanced  by  the  President. 


12 

There  was,  therefore,  some  excuse  for  Jackson's  course. 
He  was  a  positive,  brave, — although  sometimes  an  indiscreet 
man,  and  accustomed,  from  his  habits  of  thought  and  training, 
to  strike  an  enemy  whenever  and  wherever  he  could  find  him. 
He  struck  his  Whig  adversaries,  fortified  in  the  civil  service, 
and  paralysed  them,  as  a  power  against  himself.  But  in 
doing  so  he  inflicted  an  evil  upon  his  country  which  has 
widened  and  deepened  as  the  years  have  followed.  Had 
Gen.  Jackson  succeeded  in  applying  a  remedy  for  the  evil 
justly  complained  of,  by  such  legislation  as  would  prevent  a 
civil  officer — as  the  unwritten  law  prevents  officers  in  the 
army  and  navy, —  from  participating  in  partisan  strife,  he 
would  have  accomplished  the  immediate  purpose  in  view, 
and  left  to  the  future,  this,  as  the  brightest  page  in  his  re- 
markable career. 

The  primary  and  paramount  object  of  all  service  is,  to 
promote  that  which  is  best  for  the  people  at  large,  without 
distinction  of  party;  whereas,  under  a  corrupted  system,  it 
is  customary  to  consider  all  the  offices  of  the  country  as 
the  common  property  of  the  party  in  power,  to  be  distri- 
buted to  their  partisans  as  rewards  for  services  rendered, 
or  as  implements  to  be  used  for  future  party  purposes. 
No  one  will  deny  that  this  is  the  fact,  and  yet  it  is  an  utter 
perversion  of  the  true  and  legitimate  objects  for  which  the 
offices  were  created. 

The  number  of  officers  or  places  under  the  govern- 
ment is  quite  insignificant  in  comparison  with  the  popu- 
lation of  the  country,  and  it  is  of  very  little  moment  to 
the  great  bulk  of  the  people,  whether  John  Smith,  Jones, 
or  Robinson  hold  office  or  place ;  hut  it  is  of  the  highest 
importance  that  whosoever  does  hold  the  same,  be  skilled, 
intelligent,  polite,  and  trustworthy. 


13 

How  are  these  essential  qualities  to  be  obtained  ?  Is  it 
by  rotating  a  man  in  or  out  of  office  for  a  political  purpose, 
or  in  having  his  continuance  in  place  depend  upon  his  ability 
to  carry  a  precinct  or  a  ward  convention  in  partisan  contests, 
or,  on  the  contrary,  are  not  the  offices  more  likely  to  be  well 
and  acceptably  filled  by  having  those  holding  them  under- 
stand that  so  long  as  they  are  honest,  attentive,  and  faithful 
in  the  discharge  of  their  duties,  they  will  be  retained  and 
promoted  for  meritorious  conduct  when  an  opportunity 
presents?  The  continuance  of  a  faithful  and  intelligent 
officer  increases  his  opportunities  for  usefulness  to  the  public. 
One  of  the  evils,  and  not  a  small  one,  attending  our  present 
defective  system,  is,  that  we  are,  by  our  short  tenure,  con- 
stantly put  to  the  inconvenience  and  expense  of  educating 
new  men. 

A  change  in  the  national  administration  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, especially  where  one  political  party  is  succeeded 
by  another,  must  of  necessity  be  followed  by  a  change  in 
such  leading  and  important  public  positions  as  reflect  the 
purposes  and  policy  of  the  party  in  power,  but  in  the  name 
of  all  that  is  reasonable  and  proper  why  should  a  change 
in  the  administration  necessitate  a  perfect  upheaval  in  all 
our  civil  service,  from  the  humblest  laborer  to  the  most 
skilled  expert,  mechanic  or  accountant?  Because  a  new 
President  is  elected,  is  no  reason  why  a  skilled  workman 
in  the  Mint,  an  intelligent,  well  trained  letter  carrier,  or 
any  other  faithful  employe  of  the  government  should  be 
removed.  They  have  been  educated  for  the  service  at  the 
public  expense,  their  education  and  equipment  is  the 
common  property  of  the  people,  and  should  not  be  thrown 
away  to  gratify  partisan  selfishness. 


14 

What  man  of  business,  banker,  manufacturer  or 
merchant  would  think  of  adopting  such  a  short-sighted  or 
pernicious  system  in  his  own  business  ?  I  know  of  no  such 
man. 

And  why  should  we  not  apply  in  public  affairs  the  same 
common  sense  principles  and  rules  that  govern  in  the 
ordinary  pursuits  of  life?  It  seems  to  be  so  reasonable  and 
proper  a  course  that  I  can  not  conceive  of  a  good  argument 
against  its  adoption.  Because  the  people,  as  is  their  right, 
see  fit  to  change  the  administration  of  national  affairs  on 
account  of  important  public  questions,  such  as  the  tariff, 
finance,  state  right  incroachments,  or  centralization,  or  any 
other  issue  that  may  arise,  is  no  reason  why  all  the  faithful 
and  skilled  employes  of  the  government,  from  the  lowest 
up.  should  be  turned  out  to  give  place  to  inexperienced 
successors,  whose  education  and  equipment  for  the  service 
is  attended  with  discomfort,  errors,  and  loss  to  the  people. 

Without  going  deeper  into  the  subject,  in  all  its  bearings, 
or  trespassing  farther  upon  your  kind  indulgence,  I  think  it 
must  be  admitted  that  a  civil  service  based  upon  so  illogical 
and  uncertain  a  tenure  is  defective  in  the  extreme,  and  should 
be  replaced  by  one  resting  upon  common  sense,  as  mani- 
fested in  the  usual  business  affairs  of  lile.  The  opposition 
to  a  change  from  the  present  to  a  better  system,  comes 
principally  from  those  leaders  of  both  parties  who  claim 
that  patronage  is  an  important  partisan  weapon.  But  I 
am  clearly  of  the  opinion  that  an  honest  and  fair  test  of 
the  new  system  woulc^  satisfy  even  these  persons,  that  they 
had  over  estimated  patronage  as  a  factor  in  partisan  con- 
tests. I  think  our  political  leaders  would  discern,  like 
many  an  intelligent    man  of    the    South  has,  by  the  great 


15 

lesson  of  the  war,  that,  whereas  he  formerly  leaned  upon 
slave  labor, — felt  he  could  not  exist  without  it, — yet,  when 
schooled  in  adversity  to  self-trust  and  self-support,  would 
not  now  return  to  the  same  order  of  things,  or  repossess 
his  slaves  if  freely  proffered  him.  Patronage  is  not  always 
a  power — and  is  oft-times  a  weakness — and  1  am  convinced 
with  some  knowledge  and  experience,  that  its  influence  is 
much  over-rated. 

Some  of  the  grandest  and  most  memorable  contests 
ever  fought  upon  the  political  battle  fields  of  our  country 
have  been  fought  and  won  without  patronage,  and  indeed 
against  the  whole  patronage  of  an  administration  improperly 
used. 

The  proposed  change  in  our  civil  service  would  not 
only  elevate  and  increase  its  efficiency,  but  would  eliminate 
much  that  is  venal,  selfish,  and  dangerous  to  the  politics  of 
the  country.  This  branch  of  the  subject  is  too  wide  and 
far-reaching  in  its  results,  for  more  than  a  passing  allusion  to 
this  evening. 

Knowing  the  defects  in  our  present  service,  and  the 
evils  flowing  therefrom,  what  is  the  remedy,  and  how  shall 
it  be  applied?  The  remedy  I  would  suggest  is,  to  remove 
by  law  the  civil  service  of  the  country  from  under  the  control 
of  partisan  interfere7ice,  and  p^'event  its  suboi'dinates  froTn  an 
active  participation  therein.  By  this  course  you  will  elevate 
the  service,  increase  its  efficiency,  and  largely  decrease  its 
expense  to  the  people. 

Is  the  remedy  an  impossible  or  even  a  difficult  one  to 
apply?  To  a  nation  which  has  laid  forests,  built  splendid 
cities,  peopled  a  continent,  overcome  a  mighty  rebellion,  and 
emancipated  four  millions  of  human  beings  within  the  stride 


16 

of  a  single  century — it  would  seem  as  if  this  might  be  accom- 
plished. 

I  know  full  well  that  it  can  be  done,  and  that  quickly 
if  good  men  of  all  parties  will  only  unite  and  determme  that 
it  shall  be. 

If  the  pernicious  influences  exerted  by  our  present  de- 
fective system  are  eliminated  from  our  politics,  we  will  have 
removed  one  of  the  greatest  hindrances  to  our  advance,  and 
danger  to  our  future  peace,  tranquility,  and  prosperity  as  a 
nation. 


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